Tuesday, September 26, 2017

The Black Family Is Struggling, and It’s Not Because of Slavery

COMMENTARY BY


Walter E. Williams is a professor of economics at George Mason University.











Between 1960 and 2010, the proportion of black children in America raised in single-parent families rose from 22 percent to 70 percent. (Photo: iStock Photos)



That the problems of today’s black Americans are a result of a legacy of slavery, racial discrimination, and poverty has achieved an axiomatic status, thought to be self-evident and beyond question.
This is what academics and the civil rights establishment have taught. But as with so much of what’s claimed by leftists, there is little evidence to support it.
The No. 1 problem among blacks is the effects stemming from a very weak family structure.
Children from fatherless homes are likelier to drop out of high school, die by suicide, have behavioral disorders, join gangs, commit crimes, and end up in prison. They are also likelier to live in poverty-stricken households.
But is the weak black family a legacy of slavery?
In 1960, just 22 percent of black children were raised in single-parent families. Fifty years later, more than 70 percent of black children were raised in single-parent families.
Here’s my question: Was the increase in single-parent black families after 1960 a legacy of slavery, or might it be a legacy of the welfare state ushered in by the War on Poverty?
According to the 1938 Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, that year 11 percent of black children were born to unwed mothers. Today about 75 percent of black children are born to unwed mothers.
Is that supposed to be a delayed response to the legacy of slavery?
The bottom line is that the black family was stronger the first 100 years after slavery than during what will be the second 100 years.
At one time, almost all black families were poor, regardless of whether one or both parents were present. Today roughly 30 percent of blacks are poor.
However, two-parent black families are rarely poor. Only 8 percent of black married-couple families live in poverty. Among black families in which both the husband and wife work full time, the poverty rate is under 5 percent. Poverty in black families headed by single women is 37 percent.
The undeniable truth is that neither slavery nor Jim Crow nor the harshest racism has decimated the black family the way the welfare state has.
The black family structure is not the only retrogression suffered by blacks in the age of racial enlightenment.
In every census from 1890 to 1954, blacks were either just as active or more so than whites in the labor market. During that earlier period, black teen unemployment was roughly equal to or less than white teen unemployment.
As early as 1900, the duration of black unemployment was 15 percent shorter than that of whites. Today it’s about 30 percent longer.
Would anyone suggest that during earlier periods, there was less racial discrimination?
What goes a long way toward an explanation of yesteryear and today are the various labor laws and regulations promoted by liberals and their union allies that cut off the bottom rungs of the economic ladder and encourage racial discrimination.
Labor unions have a long history of discrimination against blacks. Frederick Douglass wrote about this in his 1874 essay titled “The Folly, Tyranny, and Wickedness of Labor Unions,” and Booker T. Washington did so in his 1913 essay titled “The Negro and the Labor Unions.”
To the detriment of their constituents, most of today’s black politicians give unquestioning support to labor laws pushed by unions and white liberal organizations.
Then there’s education. Many black 12th-graders deal with scientific problems at the level of whites in the sixth grade. They write and do math about as well as white seventh- and eighth-graders.
All of this means that an employer hiring or a college admitting the typical black high school graduate is in effect hiring or admitting an eighth-grader. Thus, one should not be surprised by the outcomes.
The most damage done to black Americans is inflicted by those politicians, civil rights leaders, and academics who assert that every problem confronting blacks is a result of a legacy of slavery and discrimination. That’s a vision that guarantees perpetuity for the problems.

Sunday, September 24, 2017

The Rise Of The Far-Right In German Politics

Heard on Morning Edition

German voters go to the polls this weekend in national elections, and although Chancellor Angela Merkel is expected to win handily, the right-wing AfD party has been on the rise.

     RACHEL MARTIN, HOST:

And I'm Rachel Martin in Berlin, Germany, where we have been talking about, David, voters getting ready to go to the polls in national elections here - happen on Sunday. Chancellor Angela Merkel and her party feel confident that they're going to do well, that they will win, which would give Merkel a fourth term in office. But the big story here is about the rise of a right-wing party called the AfD. This is short for the Alternative fuer Deutschland.
DAVID GREENE, HOST:
Which is a narrative, of course, we've seen in other countries in Europe. And it sounds like it's happening there in Germany, you're finding.
MARTIN: Yeah. Similar populist movements have been doing well across Europe. This party is expected to meet the threshold necessary to get seats in Parliament, which would be the first time in postwar history that a party with this kind of German nationalist platform would secure that kind of representation. And with it will come a legitimate platform to push their policies. And that is raising concerns for a lot of people, including a guy we met in a Berlin suburb. His name is Heinz Ostermann. And he owns a bookstore on this quaint, little side street.
HEINZ OSTERMANN: We have books for everybody. We can also order them - more than 1 million titles. And here are children. Here are grandmas, grandpas of every age.
MARTIN: Last December, Ostermann held an event at his bookstore. It was a conversation about how to combat the message of the far right in Germany. And after that event, his store was vandalized, and his car was burned down, completely destroyed. He doesn't have proof, but he believes that AfD supporters were behind the attack. I asked him specifically what he finds so concerning about the AfD.
OSTERMANN: I think it's a racial party.
MARTIN: A racial party.
OSTERMANN: Yes. They divide the population, yes. And they talk like Nazis, some of them. And I think that's not good.
MARTIN: This is the fear that always seems to loom under the surface here. On the one hand, the atrocities of World War II feel so long ago. So much has changed. Germany is now a thriving democracy - Angela Merkel, the de facto leader of Europe and champion of liberal democratic values and human rights. At the same time, the history can feel so present, and Nazi ideas still inspire new generations.
CHRISTIAN WEISSGERBER: My name is Christian Ernst Weissgerber. I'm 28 years old. I am a former neo-Nazi.
MARTIN: It was less than a decade ago that Christian Weissgerber was leading a neo-Nazi youth organization. I recently spoke to him on Skype. And he told me what drew him to the movement in the first place.
WEISSGERBER: So for me, this was an immense fascination with the symbols, with the form of behavior of Nazism, the militarization, the strictness in that form of society, the kind of structural anti-Semitism, which worked, in my views, so that you could just portray every problem of society to another group, which is the enemy. So the belief is that, naturally, the Aryans are the superior race, or the white race is superior to every other race.
MARTIN: Christian's mom left when he was just a baby, and his father was physically abusive. Christian was looking for an out, a way to change his lot in life. And he found that in the neo-Nazi movement.
WEISSGERBER: I wanted to build a society in which a family like the one in which I had to grow up would not be possible anymore. So I thought that this could be a society where you have this kind of Volksgemeinschaft or this kind of organic body of people that works together just fine. And you have the state that helps families. And at the same time, families support the state in every way that they can.
MARTIN: A friend of a friend put him in touch with an organization. But he quickly got frustrated.
WEISSGERBER: They were not really good at anything. And they spent most of the time playing with their clan in "World Of Warcraft" and in the German uniforms of "Call Of Duty." So this was really not the way I thought we could instigate or install the coming Fourth Reich. So for me, the point was to say, I have to start my own youth organization because, otherwise, nothing will happen here.
MARTIN: Can I ask what physical markers you used to identify in the group? I mean, did you have uniforms? Did you shave your head? Did you get - was there a tattoo that indicated membership?
WEISSGERBER: No, I was never bald headed in my life. Of course, there were the so-called normal symbols like a black sun, like Thor's hammer or things like that. And then we have this kind of not-so-secretive handshake that is also used by the Romans, where you would touch the underpart of the arm of the other person.
MARTIN: Christian liked that it was this brotherhood where he felt a sense of belonging. But, again, there wasn't enough action for him. There wasn't even enough talk about action. So he left not because he was disillusioned with extremist Nazi ideas but because, at least in this particular group, they weren't extreme enough. Once he was on the outside, he started to read more. He befriended people who held differing views. And his ideas about the world started to change.
WEISSGERBER: Yeah, that's hard to explain because, also, that's not one event or just one moment in life when you decide something like that.
MARTIN: Once he started seeing the holes in Nazi philosophy, he decided it wasn't enough to change his own mind.
WEISSGERBER: Also do have to try to stop what is going on inside of the Nazi movement and all the violence that is being supported from there. So I'm responsible for every bit of violence that is committed by these groups. And this is something that kind of drives me until this very moment.
MARTIN: Christian says the current political moment in Germany and the rise of the far-right political parties has made it OK for more people to express racist views more openly.
WEISSGERBER: We have a kind of great problem with how to react to these forms of new national populists and, if you like, new racist arguments that say, no, we are not racist. We are just fighting for German and European traditions and so on. So these kinds of tactics are pretty effective. And as of yet, civil society has not found a remedy.
MARTIN: And that's what's so worrisome to many Germans, David. There is a real debate to be had over immigration and how to create systems and laws along with better plans to integrate those communities into German society. But there are concerns that far-right parties are basically using this moment to play to the darkest parts of Germany's history.
GREENE: All right. And it's just a reminder that an election is a moment. I mean, it's one event. But it can tell so much about a country. And I know you'll be there to cover a lot of these themes.
That's my colleague Rachel Martin. She is there in Germany, covering the run-up to these national elections on Sunday. You can follow all of her reporting here and also at npr.org and also at the NPR Tumblr page.
(SOUNDBITE OF THE OCTOPUS PROJECT AND BLACK MOTH SUPER RAINBOW'S "TONY FACE")
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Thursday, September 21, 2017

Leftists Decry Straight Black Men as 'The White People of Black People'


Left-wing writers are taking the victim narrative to a new level this week, decrying “straight black men” as the “white people of black people.”
In a column for The Root's “Very Smart Brothas,” writer Damon Young accused straight black men of having the “type of privilege created for and protected by whiteness.” Black men, while victims of the white man's oppressiveness, are the oppressors of the nonheterosexual/male black person.
“We’re the ones for whom the first black president created an entire initiative to assist and uplift,” Young, a black man, wrote. “We’re the ones whose beatings and deaths at the hands of the police galvanize the community in a way that the beatings and sexual assaults and deaths that those same police inflict upon black women do not. We’re the ones whose mistreatment inspired a boycott of the NFL despite the NFL’s long history of mishandling and outright ignoring far worse crimes against black women.”
According to Young, straight black men are overrepresented in social justice circles and racism counters, when black girls and women are facing the same racism, if not more. “Making things worse,” he noted, white people aren't believing black women and girls when they say they are being oppressed, like they believe black men.
“They’re met with the same doubts,” he wrote. “The same resistance. The same questions. They are not believed in the (predominantly white) world or in their (predominantly black) communities.”
Young's article got him widespread criticism on social media from both conservatives and progressives:
Even self-described progressive blacks are now criticizing the writer:



I dont think straight people are THAT bad to be the white people of black people... i think thats bit of a reach..
One critic even accused black people who believe Young's article of being “nothing more than an engine of white ideology”:

If you black and agree that straight black men are "the white people of black people" you are nothing more than an engine of white ideology https://twitter.com/VerySmartBros/status/910239009535873025 
Young's controversial takes on the “Very Smart Brothas” blog are nothing new. In August, the writer published a piece criticizing “polite white people” for being “useless” to social justice.
“They provide no value, they move no needles, they carry no weight (metaphysically and literally) and they ultimately just get in the way,” he wrote.