Saturday, February 14, 2015

'Seeking Asian Female' Takes A Close Look At A Fetish

In Search of Gladstonian Republicans

The liberalism of Britain’s great 19th-century prime minister is a model for the next conservative revolution.

Few political parties have been better at reinventing themselves than the Republicans. But at the moment, when it comes to ideas, they are in a funk. American conservatives certainly know what they are against—most notably ObamaCare—but cannot agree on what they are for. The recent primaries only re-emphasized the gulf between the party’s big business and tea party wings. Thanks to President Obama’s weakness, the party might claw back the Senate this year, but, without a positive message, without a big idea, disaster beckons, yet again, in the presidential race in 2016.
Well, gather around Mitch McConnell and John Boehner (and Jeb Bush, Marco Rubio and Scott Walker ), and listen to what will strike you as a fairy tale. Imagine that the world’s superpower reduces the size of government by a quarter over the next 30 years, even as its population grows by 50%. Imagine further that the superpower performs this miracle while dramatically increasing both the quality of public services and the nation’s diplomatic clout. And imagine that the Republican Party leads this great revolution while uniting its manifold factions behind one of its favorite words: liberty.
Enlarge Image
A caricature by Ape (Carlo Pellegrini) of British politician William E. Gladstone from English periodical VANITY FAIR. (Photo by Time Life Pictures/Mansell/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images)
Before politicians were telegenic.
Impossible? That is exactly what Britain, then the world’s superpower and pioneer of the new economy, did in the 19th century. Gross revenue from taxation fell from just under £80 million in 1816 to well under £60 million in 1846, even as the population surged and the government helped build schools, hospitals, sewers and the world’s first police force. The Victorians paid for these useful new services by getting rid of what they called “Old Corruption” (and we would call cronyism) and by exploiting the new technology of the day, like the railway. For these liberal reformers were the allies of the new commercial classes who were creating the industries that were transforming the world.
And they kept on cutting government for decades. William Gladstone, four times prime minister in the second half of the 19th century, believed in cutting taxes so that money could “fructify in the pockets of the people.” Confronted with socialist protesters who demanded “no taxation without representation,” the giant of Victorian liberalism replied that he believed in “no taxation” (something even Grover Norquist cannot match). He paid for his passion for social reform by a ruthless campaign against waste. The head of the Liberal Party prided himself on “saving candle ends and cheese-parings in the cause of the country,” opening up every branch of government to competition.
Messrs. Bush, Rubio and Walker may well have noticed an awkward word: “liberal.” But this was real liberalism—the classical small-government creed of Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill (and for that matter Milton Friedman and Margaret Thatcher ). The Victorians believed in a “night-watchman state”—one that left citizens as free as possible to pursue their own ends, provided that they did no harm to anyone else. Its watch words were liberty and efficiency.
Of course there are one or two differences between today’s Washington and Victorian London. Today’s Washington has accumulated trillions of dollars’ worth of entitlements for pensions. Victorian London did not have to worry about nuclear terrorism. But Gladstonian liberalism provides a remarkable template for the next conservative revolution.
First, rip out cronyism. Between 1815 and 1870 British Liberals replaced a government based on patronage, sweeping aside the special privileges for the East India Company, West Indian sugar makers and British landowners. Today the American right’s dirty secret is its love of big government, especially tax breaks for business (including sugar). The U.S. tax code has $1.6 trillion of exemptions, most of which go to the well-off.
Gladstone would get rid of them all—gradually, perhaps, with the concessions for health-insurance and mortgage interest—and in return chop income- and corporate-tax rates. Having helped dismantle Britain’s protectionist Corn Laws in the 1840s, he would be astonished that America still doles out $30 billion a year in agriculture subsidies and employs 100,000 people in the Agriculture Department.
Second, concentrate the state on what it needs to do. Why does the federal government own 900,000 buildings and 260 million acres of land? Why does it continue to run utilities? Why are so many American airports still in public hands? Gladstone would concentrate money on the poor, targeting the welfare state for the rich. More money goes to the top 5% in mortgage-interest deduction than to the bottom 50% in social housing. He would set about reforming entitlements to make sure that they are fundable, for example raising the retirement age to 70 in line with life expectancy (as other countries like Sweden have done).
Third, simplify government, particularly the numbers. In the early 19th century, British government accounts were incomprehensible, deliberately so. The aristocrats who ran the country wanted to conceal the fact that most government spending went to support their relations in the form of sinecures, church livings, pensions and ceremonial jobs. Gladstone insisted on standing before Parliament and explaining the budget in detail: If he couldn’t explain it to a gathering of his peers, then he knew that it was worthless. America’s current budget is so full of perks for vested interests that only lobbyists and their lawyers can understand it. The U.S. would hugely benefit from a bit of Gladstonian theater, with a Republican candidate promising to explain every dollar of spending in the State of the Union.
Fourth, take the state seriously. This is the tea party’s great shortcoming. The Victorians believed in “reform” as well as “retrenchment.” It was precisely because they wanted the state to be as small as possible that they put so much effort into making it work as well as possible. They introduced competitive exams for civil servants, rewarding the good ones with money and honors while sacking the bad ones. Gladstone would have approved of Singapore, where the state is tiny but the top civil servants get paid $2 million a year. The best way for the U.S. to avoid disasters like the current one in the Department of Veterans Affairs is to do a better job of hiring—and firing.
Fifth, put yourself on the side of business creation. Visit Silicon Valley, and you’ll find that Republicans are regarded as being out of touch, not least because of their approach to immigration. Gladstone was the ally of the new economic forces that were reshaping Britain, but he encouraged them by creating a level playing field. He was one of the architects of the great legal reforms that allowed anybody to form a limited-liability company. American conservatives should fight to make it easier to take companies public too, partly because that spreads popular capitalism.
Finally, make the state humble and dowdy. Gladstone, who even told his government to use cheaper writing paper, would have been horrified by the motorcades that sweep through Washington. He preferred to walk. A more contemporary role model for the Republicans is the current pope: Despite being just as much of a target for the assassin’s bullet as any American politician, Pope Francis has shed the trappings of state in favor of a simple old Ford. It is much easier to cut unnecessary spending if you don’t spend your life in a cocoon of privilege.
Do any Republicans come close to this? In Wisconsin, Gov. Scott Walker has tried to break the power of public unions in order to allow money to fructify in the pockets of the people. Jeb Bush has pioneered school and immigration reform and as the governor of Florida made life easier for the state’s entrepreneurs. Tea party Republicans such as Sens. Marco Rubio and Rand Paul have fulminated against crony capitalism. But so far nobody has been able to present a coherent vision of what the American state should do in a world that is being transformed by the Internet and shaken up by the growing strength of Asian giants. Ironically, the best way to formulate an American conservative vision might be to look back to a 19th-century Brit who marched under the banner of liberalism.
Messrs. Micklethwait and Wooldridge, respectively the editor in chief and management editor of the Economist, are the authors of “The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State.” just out from Penguin Press.

Sunday, February 8, 2015

When Did Americans Lose Their British Accents?

 

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Readers Nick and Riela have both written to ask how and when English colonists in America lost their British accents and how American accents came about.
There are manymany evolving regional British and American accents, so the terms “British accent” and “American accent” are gross oversimplifications. What a lot of Americans think of as the typical "British accent” is what's called standardized Received Pronunciation (RP), also known as Public School English or BBC English. What most people think of as an "American accent," or most Americans think of as "no accent," is the General American (GenAm) accent, sometimes called a "newscaster accent" or "Network English." Because this is a blog post and not a book, we'll focus on these two general sounds for now and leave the regional accents for another time.
English colonists established their first permanent settlement in the New World at Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607, sounding very much like their countrymen back home. By the time we had recordings of both Americans and Brits some three centuries later (the first audio recording of a human voice was made in 1860), the sounds of English as spoken in the Old World and New World were very different. We're looking at a silent gap of some 300 years, so we can't say exactly when Americans first started to sound noticeably different from the British.
As for the "why," though, one big factor in the divergence of the accents is rhotacism. The General American accent is rhotic and speakers pronounce the in words such as hard. The BBC-type British accent is non-rhotic, and speakers don't pronounce the r, leaving hardsounding more like hahd. Before and during the American Revolution, the English, both in England and in the colonies, mostly spoke with a rhotic accent. We don't know much more about said accent, though. Various claims about the accents of the Appalachian Mountains, the Outer Banks, the Tidewater region and Virginia's Tangier Island sounding like an uncorrupted Elizabethan-era English accent have been busted as myths by linguists. 

TALK THIS WAY

Around the turn of the 18th 19th century, not long after the revolution, non-rhotic speech took off in southern England, especially among the upper and upper-middle classes. It was a signifier of class and status. This posh accent was standardized as Received Pronunciation and taught widely by pronunciation tutors to people who wanted to learn to speak fashionably. Because the Received Pronunciation accent was regionally "neutral" and easy to understand, it spread across England and the empire through the armed forces, the civil service and, later, the BBC.
Across the pond, many former colonists also adopted and imitated Received Pronunciation to show off their status. This happened especially in the port cities that still had close trading ties with England — Boston, Richmond, Charleston, and Savannah. From the Southeastern coast, the RP sound spread through much of the South along with plantation culture and wealth.
After industrialization and the Civil War and well into the 20th century, political and economic power largely passed from the port cities and cotton regions to the manufacturing hubs of the Mid Atlantic and Midwest — New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Chicago, Detroit, etc. The British elite had much less cultural and linguistic influence in these places, which were mostly populated by the Scots-Irish and other settlers from Northern Britain, and rhotic English was still spoken there. As industrialists in these cities became the self-made economic and political elites of the Industrial Era, Received Pronunciation lost its status and fizzled out in the U.S. The prevalent accent in the Rust Belt, though, got dubbed General American and spread across the states just as RP had in Britain. 
Of course, with the speed that language changes, a General American accent is now hard to find in much of this region, with New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and Chicago developing their own unique accents, and GenAm now considered generally confined to a small section of the Midwest.
As mentioned above, there are regional exceptions to both these general American and British sounds. Some of the accents of southeastern England, plus the accents of Scotland and Ireland, are rhotic. Some areas of the American Southeast, plus Boston, are non-rhotic.

Apple isn’t that innovative – Glenn’s interview with tech investor and billionaire Peter Thiel






Peter Thiel is the founder of PayPal and the first angel investor in something called ‘The Facebook’ – needless to say he’s done pretty well in the financial world. Thiel is staunchly libertarian and preaches against conformity, believing firmly that no two great ideas are alike. On radio this morning, the author of the new book ‘Zero to One’ spoke with Glenn about trouble on Apple’s horizon and why he doesn’t have a problem with monopolies.

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“It had an enormous run of innovation under Jobs for decades and decades. But it’s hard to maintain innovation when you get that big when you’re making $150 billion a year from selling i Phones. It’s hard to come up with any new vertical to compete with it. It has the same problem any of these large companies have. Companies get bureaucratic. They get stagnant,” Thiel said.
“Tim Cook is doing as good a job as he can filling impossibly large shoes, but often, the innovation is driven by the founders. The founders are important. They set the tone of these companies, and once they leave, it’s often hard for that to persevere. It’s sort of an analogy I draw, and maybe it’s overdone, with the founders of companies and the founders of our country. When you found something, you have tremendous freedom. You can sort of set up all the parameters, and then often the people who come afterwards have much less ability to change things or you’re sort of caught up in these structures,” he added.
“There’s always a degree to which if you’re too doctrinaire, you’ve lost something. Of course, if you’ve forgotten about it, you’ve lost something too. So you always have to be somewhere in between,” he said.
Thiel also said that he has no problem with monopolies, as companies should have unique and innovative ideas.
“You have to always distinguish — two different versions of this. One as advice to someone who is an entrepreneur or a founder, someone who is starting something, and there’s always the question about society. That, if you’re starting a business, you want to have a monopoly. You want to be doing something where it’s one of a kind. You don’t want to have the fourth online pet food company. You don’t want to have the tenth thin-film solar panel company. You don’t want to be opening the 1,000th restaurant here in Dallas. You want to be doing something that if you were not doing it, nobody would,” Thiel said.
” I think it’s bad if these monopolies are static like in the Parker Brothers board game where they become toll collectors like a troll on a bridge. And I think they become static in fact when they are regulated. When the government gets involved, it often ends up backing the monopolies in one way or another. So the Post Office is a bad monopoly. Comcast has problems.”
“But I think in technology, the monopolies are not permanent. They last for a few decades. You have a great run. That’s the reward you get for coming up with something new.”

A Magyar Nemzet legújabb címlapja?

2015, Feb. 7
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Monday, February 2, 2015

Obama and Odinga: The True Story



The mainstream media has justified ignoring this story based on a “conspiracy theory” chain email (politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/465) making the rounds from some African missionaries. Politifact.com examined the email—which claims Obama gave $1MM to Odinga’s campaign—and declared it “a pants on fire”. 
However, the underlying (more important issues) are verifiably true. In August and September 2006, Senator Barack Obama traveled to South Africa, Chad, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Chad and Kenya as a congressional delegation of one (Codel Obama) (“Codel Obama” The Hill 9/7/2006)  While in Kenya, Obama consistently appeared at the side of fellow Luo Raila Odinga (“your agent for change’), who was running for President. (“Senator Rebukes Kenya’s Corruption” Chicago Sun Times 8/29/2006) Because of his African heritage, Obama was treated as a virtual “Head of State” in Kenya While campaigning with Odinga, Obama was openly critical of governmental corruption under President Mibaki –usually a fair, if undiplomatic, criticism from an objective observer.

However, Kibaki’s government has been better than most—-and Odinga has his own corruption issues. (“Loud and Populist, But No Political Outsider” The Guardian 12/29/2007)  
Obama’s partisan support for Odinga was considered so transparent, that the Kenyan Government spokesman, Alfred Matua, complained of political posturing to aid Odinga’s election chances: “It is very clear that the senator has been used as a puppet to perpetuate opposition politics,”(“Walking The World Stage” Newsweek 9/11/06) And, “...we earlier thought he was mature in his assessment of Kenyan and African politics,” Mutua told AFP.“We forgive him because it is his first time in the Senate and he is yet to mature into understanding issues of foreign policy,” he said.”(“Obama’s Kenya Honeymoon Ends Abruptly After Graft Rebuke” 8/29/06)

Subsequently, Ambassador Ogingo Ogego made a public complaint to the US.(“Kenyan Envoy Kicks Off Diplomatic Row” My Africa 9/27/2006)  
Raila Odinga subsequently lost the controversial (probably rigged) presidential election. In what appeared to many—including Human Rights Watch—as a coordinated strategy from the top, (“Violence We Fled was Planned, Say Kenyan Refugees” Reuters 1/26/2008 and “Kenya: Violence Planned Before Poll, Says Report” The Nation 3/18/2008) his Luo supporters (a core of whom call themselves The Taliban”(“Ethnic Gangs Rile Kenyan Slums” Newsweek 1/10/08)) engaged in what US Envoy Jendayi Frazer called “clear ethnic cleansing” (“US Envoy Calls Violence in Kenya ‘Ethnic Cleansing’” USA Today 1/30/2008) of the Kikuyu opposition.
                           
Odinga’s supporters went on a rampage—burning Kikuyu homes and businesses, (“Ethnic Cleansing in Luoland” The Economist 2/7/2008) raping Kikuyu women, and murdering everyone in their path—including at least 50 Christian Kikuyu woman & children who had sought refuge in a church. They burned them alive. (“Mob Burns Kenyans Seeking Refuge In Church” CNN 1/10/2008)  
“We have evidence that ODM [Odinga’s party] politicians and local leaders actively fomented some post-election violence,” Georgette Gagnon, acting Africa director for the New York based Human Rights Watch (HRW), said on Thursday.” (Violence We Fled was Planned, Say Kenyan Refugees” Ibid) 

So: who is Raila Odinga that Senator Obama would expend his political capital and risk the goodwill of half the population of Kenya?

Their relationship is unclear. The BBC initially reported that Obama and Odinga were first cousins.(“Odinga Says Obama is His Cousin” 1/8/2008)

The Obama campaign has since denied a familial relationship. Raila Odinga’s father, Oginga Odinga, was leader of the “Kenya People’s Union” and perceived as a “committed socialist” (“Oginga Odinga: Kenya’s Most Persecuted Politician” Kenya: Key Issues 8/21.2002). Odinga Sr. was also the political ally of fellow Luo; Barack Obama Sr. (The Risks of Knowledge (Ohio University Press, 2004) p. 182)  
What we do know about Odinga is not good. A former Minister of Energy, Odinga is reported to have been set up in the oil business by the al Bakri Group and Muammar Quaddafi (“How Rich is Raila-The ODM Kenya Presidential Aspirant?” African Press 4/26/2007)  Abdel Qader Bakri (or- Abdulkader al Bakri) was listed on the infamous “Golden Chain”—an internal Al-Queda list of wealthy Saudi financial sponsors seized by Bosnian police in a Islamic “charity” raid in 2001. (“Terrorist Financing Staff Monograph 9/11 Commission and “The Golden Chain”) According to his website, Odinga was educated in Communist East Germany, (Herder Institute, Leipzig & Otto von Guericke Tech. Institute, Magdeburg) (http://www.raila07.com) Odinga’s eldest son is named “Fidel” (http://www.raila07.com
Perhaps most troubling is Odinga’s links to Islamic extremists in Kenya.  According to Voice of America and the Evangelical Alliance of Kenya, on 8/29/07, Odinga signed a secret agreement (exposed 11/27) with Sheikh Abdullah Abdi of the National Muslim
Leaders Forum (NAMLEF) in which he agreed to institute Islamic law in exchange for Abdi’s support (eakenya.org)—thereby potentially disenfranchising and curtailing the liberties of millions of Christian Kenyan women. Further, he promised that Muslims suspected of terrorism would be safe from extradition—thereby establishing a ‘safe haven’ for terrorists in Kenya. 
After the public outcry, Odinga denied signing a secret agreement.  Angry at Odinga’s apparent repudiation, a member of NAMLEF subsequently released the agreement to the press.  Odinga then claimed the document was a forgery, but acknowledged a secret agreement had been signed in exchange for Muslim support.
Finally, under constant pressure, Odinga released what he claimed was the actual document (“Real” MOU) a considerably watered down version of the original; but still anathema to many Christian groups. “In response to the revelations, The Evangelical Alliance of Kenya released a statement in which church leaders said Raila, in both MOUs, ‘comes across as a presumptive Muslim president bent on forcing Islamic law, religion and culture down the throats of the Kenyan people in total disregard of the Constitutionally guaranteed rights of freedom of worship and equal protection of the law’” (“Concerns Raised Over Alleged Vow To Enforce Islamic Law in Kenya” Christian Post 12/18/2007) 
To many westerners, the idea of imposing Sharia in a predominantly Christian country may have seemed fanciful. However, Kenya has had Sharia courts for family law (not criminal law)—called Khadi courts—since 1963.  
For the US and “the war on terror”—the most worrisome section—contained in both agreements—concerns extradition (or renditions) of suspected terrorists to the US and
elsewhere. The Kibaki government had been a leading supporter of the US’s efforts to dismantle Al-Queda cells in Kenya (National Commission of Terrorist Attacks on the United States- 9/11 Report) and elsewhere. Raila Odinga made opposition to the government’s crackdown of suspected Al Queda supporters a cornerstone of his campaign “In Kimanthi’s view, ‘only some of the leaders’...were Al Queda sympathizers. The renditions- along with frequent police sweeps on the Swahili coast-had become an emotional issue in the presidential race. Islamic outrage had placed the incumbent, Kibaki, on the defensive and provided Raila Odinga with a tool to rally the support of Kenya’s Muslims.” (“The African Front” New York Times Magazine 12/23/2007)  And, “Our government will not be held at ransom to extradite Muslims to foreign lands”, Odinga told supporters in the coastal city of Mombassa. ‘This government is behaving as if it is still a colony.’” (“Outcome of Kenyan Election Could Impact Anti-Terror Cooperation” CNSNews.com 10/17/2007) 
So, how much of a national security concern is this? Well, actually: huge “...proximity to the volatile states…including Somalia and Sudan have made Kenya especially vulnerable, in the views of counterterrorism experts, to the call for jihad. Since the early 1990s, the mosques of Mombasa and other towns have resonated with militant Islamic rhetoric. Radical imams have preached violence against Westerners, attacked the Kenyan government as the lackey of the United States and Israel and called for the implementation of Shariah. Members of the Qaeda cells that blew up the U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania…were recruited in mosques near the Indian Ocean beaches [in Kenya]“ (“The African Front” , ibid) 
At no point has Senator Obama tried to distance himself from Odinga. Odinga visited Obama on a fundraising tour of the US in 2007 and it is believed that political strategist Dick Morris assisted in Odinga’s presidential campaign- gratis- at Obama’s request (Morris only acknowledged the suggestion came through “mutual friends”). (“Bridges Burned in US, Political Kingmaker Hits Africa”  ABC News 11/20/2007) Odinga has claimed that he and Obama speak regularly and whether this is true or not—the similarities between their campaigns are startling. (“Kenya Tests New Style of Politicking” The Washington Post, 12/22/2007) 
In fairness to Senator Obama, after Kenya erupted into violence ( and at the request of Condoleezza Rice), Obama did record a message “. ...calling for calm…” and had “..near daily conversations with the US Ambassador…and Raila Odinga” (“The Demons That Still Haunt Africa” TIME magazine 1/10/2008). Perhaps not surprisingly, President Kibaki apparently declined to take his call. Kibaki’s not the only one no longer filled with enthusiasm for Senator Obama’s brand of diplomacy. As Nicholas Kristof reported (with some surprise) in February: “You might think that all Kenyans would be vigorously supporting Mr. Obama. But Kenya has been fractured along ethnic lines in the last two months, so now Mr. Obama draws frenzied support from the Luos ethnic group of his ancestors, while many members of the rival Kikuyu group fervently support Hillary Rodham Clinton. (“Obama’s Kenya Roots” New York Times 2/24/2008) 
Curiously, it has been the Kenyan press (almost alone) who have realized the potential implications: “... this is what may be the most memorable effect of the ODM’s [Odinga’s party] post-election campaign for State House. The longer their protests last, and the less disciplined they are - or the more atrocities like Eldoret [church massacre] are conducted in the party’s name- the more likely Kenya is to be stuck on the front pages of the world’s media and the more embarrassment it will bring to the Senator.” (“The Kiss of Death, How Kenya Could Spoil It For Obama”  KenyaImagine 1/13/2008)  
Clearly, Obama campaigned for someone who is corrupt, ruthless and has financial ties to terrorists. More importantly, Obama campaigned for a candidate who had the stated objective of dismantling US & Kenyan government efforts to root out Al Queda and other terrorist organizations. Organizations that had already caused the deaths of hundreds of Americans and Africans in embassy bombings. Senator Obama’s actions—intentional or not—were in direct conflict with the efforts and interests of US national security. I think this raises serious questions about the judgment, maturity and readiness of Senator Obama. 
Respectfully submitted,
Paula Abeles
spabeles@comcast.net